So this has been quite a week for politics in Tennessee. First, news broke that long-serving West Tennessee congressman John Tanner would not seek re-election in 2010. Almost immediately after that announcement, state senator Roy Herron, who had been doing quite well seeking the Democratic gubernatorial primary nod, announced that he would instead seek the Democratic congressional primary nod in the 8th congressional district. A day later, Ward Cammack announces his withdrawal from the Democratic gubernatorial contest, reducing the number of announced candidates from 5 to 3.

Let’s play political pick up sticks:

Congressman Roy Herron
The first big question is: Why did Roy Herron switch races? Based on the political winds blowing in Tennessee, Phil Bredesen’s unprecedented 95-county sweep was an anomaly unlikely to be repeated by a Democrat for a generation or more (or, probably, any politician). A statewide win for a Democrat in a mid-term election year likely to favor, at least congressionally, the party in opposition to the President would be a hard-fought coup. Especially looking at the fundraising breakdown by party. So for Herron, winning the governor’s mansion, even should he win the Democratic primary, would be difficult. But let’s say that he is, in fact, the frontrunner in Tennessee’s fightin’ 8th. How could he possibly hold the seat as a freshman congressman after the Republican-controlled General Assembly redraws the districts to transform our 5-4 Democratic-majority congressional delegation to a likely 7-2 Republican-majority congressional delegation?

Possible answers:

  • Herron had polling showing that there was no way in hell a Democrat could win the governor’s race, or possibly that he in particular had no way in hell of beating a generic Republican.
  • Herron had polling showing that, actually, despite his public organizing prowess, he was getting thumped in terms of the Democratic primary.
  • Herron had polling showing that he had wanted that congressional seat ever since he was a little boy.
  • Herron somehow wound up in a deal with friends on the other side of the aisle whereby his district wouldn’t get too badly redrawn, giving him a fighting chance of keeping the seat for a decade.
  • Herron had polling from before any other race that demonstrated that his state senate seat was no safer than Tanner’s congressional seat or he knows that he would’ve drawn a stronger challenger than Fincher for his own seat.

Honestly, I can’t see how a long-term view that suggests that less than a single term could possibly be appealing to a state senator in a seat that is assumed to be safe. Is 2 years in Congress better than 4 (or) more years in the state senate? Can Herron somehow become a rare Tanner-like figure who is a legendary Southern Democrat perceived as independent-minded and authentic in a mostly rural part of the state? We probably won’t know the answer till 2012, should Herron best Stephen Fincher, darling of the NRCC. Regardless, I fully expect Herron to emerge as the Democratic frontrunner, even if other Democrats (not named Lowe Finney) emerge to fight in a primary.

Side bet for political poker players: Did Herron and McWherter discuss the Tanner seat? Did each prefer the race he’s now conclusively in? I.e., Herron preferred the Tanner race and McWherter preferred the gubernatorial race?

The Governor’s Club
Herron’s departure lets the other son of Dresden, Mike McWherter, shore up his Northwest Tennessee base. Some have suggested that it advantages Jim Kyle, too, but I don’t see that. The big question will be the fight among all three of McWherter, Kyle, and McMillan for Middle Tennessee supporters, where Herron had a broad base of support, and McWherter just fired a loud opening shot.

Cammack’s departure… well, it’s unlikely to have a meaningful impact. Unless, I suppose, one of the remaining three finds a way to extend Bredesen’s legacy in making Tennessee a green technology center and generally becoming a green policy technocratic candidate.

I hadn’t predicted that the Democratic primary would’ve been particularly brutal with 5 candidates, at least nowhere nearly as brutal as the Republican primary has been and will be. And that’s in part because the Republicans feel the need to perpetually seek Truth in Conservatism, whereas the Democrats have presented as relatively un-bold pragmatists, with frontrunners McWherter (gays) and Herron (God, guns) anchoring some socially conservative points but otherwise generally hoping their ability to connect with a base was likely to determine a winner. I shudder, actually, to think what the general election might look like without Herron, as he was a forceful floor speaker who was probably the most unafraid to take on progressive causes strategically and with charisma. Kyle has no problem on the attack (“Kurita.” “Who?”), so that might be fun, but I’m still waiting for a grand populist (or otherwise) outburst from one of the Democratic contenders that makes running for governor as a Democrat seem like it’s not only fun but also the right thing to do. Otherwise, Bill Haslam, coasting calmly above the wingnut fray, will likely resonate more genuinely with Tennessee voters angling for another Bredesen (a pragmatic administrator coming from a recent background of municipal executive experience) and not disrupt my original prophecy.

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We’re still a ways off from the 2010 partisan primaries for the gubernatorial race in Tennessee, but that doesn’t mean that we can’t walk through the stables and size up what the horserace will look like.

For today, I’m going to size up the Democratic field. We’ll know the final field in April, when filing forms are due, but right now we have 5 announced Democratic candidates:

There they are in alphabetical order. Now I’m going to review the campaigns in likelihood of primary victory, from least to greatest.

Ward Cammack got an early start and seemed to impress several progressive politicos with his technocratic attention to green issues, which include detailed policy positions rather than just fluff about his being a “green” candidate. Unfortunately, staffing issues made public and an unwillingness to commit to self-fund coupled with a past history of financially backing Republicans mean Cammack’s campaign has probably already peaked with Democratic primary voters. I doubt Tennessee will ever see another political anomaly like Phil Bredesen. As much as Cammack would like to be one, he simply ain’t. Don’t hold your breath waiting for any of the other candidates to subject themselves to a Stacey Campfield interview.

Jim Kyle put paid to Rosalind Kurita, the thorn in his legislative side that kept him from his dream of becoming lieutenant governor. Even had his dream been realized, though, it would’ve been short lived based on the Republican tide that swept the state senate in 2008. But getting into the game last when there’s no great-stakes political issue to serve as a point of distinction (all three legislators in the race at one point supported an income tax during their legislative careers) is probably going to leave Kyle toward the back of the pack. Early Democratic dollars already have already chased other candidates, and Kyle likely pissed off at least part of a demographic constituency that will now drift to…

Kim McMillan, though uninspiring on the stump, is the one legislative candidate with the benefit of post-legislative executive experience in the Bredesen administration. One wonders, though, why so many Bredesen people flocked so quickly to the McWherter campaign. A cynic might suspect it was the money. McMillan, too, lost a high-profile staffer (causing him to leave the state, in fact). But she has a built-in advantage: women. Republicans have earned some attention statewide for having a variety of high-profile female officeholders. McMillan offers Tennessee women the opportunity to vote for the first woman governor in state history. A built-in constituency should let McMillan pass Kyle but, based on the power of money in politics, probably won’t let her compete on even footing with legacy and organization.

Mike McWherter, meanwhile, doesn’t seem to have much to trade in politically other than being “Ned Ray’s boy,” a descriptor one is likely to overhear at Democratic functions where a previous generation of handlers is on hand to introduce the junior variety around. From being unfamiliar with his party’s President’s name to unnecessarily opining on adoption by gay couples, Mike has already cut off support from a full wing of primary voters, unwise in a broad field where no one is actively courting them but neither is any one seeking to piss them off. There have already been a few remarks about his gun-shyness in last cycle’s U.S. Senate race against Lamar! I suspect there will be a lot of Democrats across the state who wind up saying something nice to Mike’s father while pulling the lever for one of his opponents. Still, those who remember Ned Ray as fondly as many remember Bill Clinton might pay homage one more time. The former governor is a legend of Tennessee Democratic politics, and the power of political legacy in Tennessee can’t be completely discounted.

In this field, though, Roy Herron is the natural winner on the stump. Also, his reputation as a micromanager actually bodes well for an executive position. If he needs to delegate more effectively, he can worry about it after his army of volunteers–visible at every Democratic party function since Jackson Day–disbands after the campaign. Clearly comfortable with both the law and religion (to the point where he wrote a book about it), he’ll be somewhat difficult to out-God. And co-chairing the Broadband Task Force gives him technocratic cred competitive with Cammack’s, especially with his focus on the spread of technology access to the next generation of Tennesseans. In the most recent session, he spoke out forcefully on a number of progressive issues. In Middle Tennessee, I’ve noticed that people from across the Democratic spectrum have lined up behind Herron. Herron’s heel, though, will be his campaign’s comfort with stretching the truth (reinforcing a subtle meme about preacher-lawyer-politicians) on fundraising and an early messaging on labor that might let the faithful in that important Democratic machine operate the machinery for various of the competition. If Herron’s demonstrated organization so far, though, turns out to be more than a for-show Howard Dean fly-in, and he doesn’t back down on the stump, getting out the vote will be easier for him in the hinterlands, likely giving him enough margin for victory.

In the it-came-from-Dresden scenario, no amount of Ned Ray money or suction (with, for instance, Clinton at Jackson Day) is going to allow Mike, even with a crew of Bredesen acolytes at his beck and call, to strong-arm himself into pole position.

The question will be whether the lawyer-preacher-politician can do better against Haslam than Bryson did against Bredesen. And I’ve already laid out a little bit of my thinking on the answer to that question.

I should be clear that this is my analysis of the race at this point in the game. It is not an endorsement of any candidate. We expect to extend interview invitations to all 5 Democratic candidates as primary day draws nearer. Y’know… next year.

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